Recent years have seen an upsurge in right-wing extremist activity and attacks. From Christchurch to El Paso and Halle, right-wing extremist violence has come to temporarily dominate the terrorism-related headlines in Western countries.[1] In fact, in 2018 every extremist murder in the United States was connected in some form or another to right-wing ideology [2] and the old wisdom that jihadist attacks cause more casualties than right-wing extremism might not always hold true anymore. In Australia, too, right-wing extremism has grown, prompting warnings that an attack in the near future is ‘probable’.[3] However, while the violence and the racist, extremist and often anti-Semitic or Islamophobic attitudes of the perpetrators are regularly discussed in popular discourse, right-wing extremist organizations are not only places of blind hate and rage. The right-wing extremist milieu has also constructed its own culture, its own narratives and ‘cultural imaginaries’ [4], as well as a specific symbolism interwoven with and signifying these imaginaries. The cultural imaginaries serve various purposes, including potentially facilitating radicalization processes.
Many symbols of right-wing extremism show a clear connection to fascism, Hitler’s national-socialist ideology and the history of World War II Germany. These include, for instance, the numbers 88 and 18, alluding to the letters HH (Heil Hitler) and AH (Adolf Hitler) respectively, the swastika, the skull symbolizing the Schutzstaffel (SS) or the Celtic cross, a symbol often used by white power movements.[5] Most, if not all, symbols with a clear reference to Nazi Germany are illegal in Germany today, but not in many other countries. In fact, right-wing extremist groups often not only use Nazi symbolism but choose German names for their groups, such as Atomwaffen Division (nuclear weapons division) in the US or its UK counterpart Sonnenkrieg Division (literally sun war division) [6], putting themselves in the symbolic and literal tradition of national socialism.
Adopting Symbols That Permeate Mainstream Discourse
However, not all contemporary right-wing extremists are easily identifiable by an open display of neo-Nazi symbols. Many Germanic runes (ancient letters), for instance, have been hijacked by right-wing extremists and are displayed in place of swastikas and SS skulls. These include the Tyr rune or the Odal rune, which signifies blood and soil. The black sun is also used as a replacement of the illegal swastika and is often printed on t-shirts and other merchandise items because it can be worn openly even in Germany.[7] In Scandinavia, especially in Sweden, right-wing extremist symbolism also often includes Viking symbolism such as Thor’s hammer, signifying the strong, heroic Nordic race the extremists allegedly seek to protect.
To complicate matters further and make detection more difficult, the right-wing extremist scene is diverse and not all groups are keen to display even Germanic runes. Often, they are much more careful as they seek to slowly move the Overton window and the public discourse towards acceptance of right-wing beliefs and not put off potential supporters by displaying symbols clearly connecting them to Hitler’s fascist ideology such as the swastika.[8] A whole fashion industry has developed producing trendy clothing with covert racist and right-wing symbols on their shirts and jackets.[9] Right-wing extremists even hijack symbols previously unconnected to any ideology such as the OK hand gesture, which was recently added to the catalogue of hate symbols after right-wing trolls co-opted it for their purposes.[10] It is therefore increasingly difficult to identify right-wing extremists by way of symbols as these are constantly changing and adapting. The Anti-Defamation League (ADL) has developed a database of hate symbols to keep up with the dynamic evolution of the issue.[11]
The adaptation of symbolism is especially prominent in the online sphere such as the so-called ‘chan culture’ environment.[12] True to Gramsci’s theory of change, by which culture needs to be changed before politics can be adapted, modern right-wing extremists utilize memes, humor, trolling and hijack symbols not overtly displaying right-wing extremist affiliations, to make the border between their own and the mainstream discourse permeable and influence society at large, while retaining the benefits of symbols as identity markers for subcultures and facilitators of belonging. Generally speaking, symbols are used as visible markers of belonging and identity in a similar manner as jerseys are worn to signify support of a sports team. They are a visible representation of an in-group membership and, simultaneously, a disconnect from the wider society and the out-groups within the society. Because today one does not need to get a swastika tattoo or wear a leather jacket with the SS skull to show support to right-wing extremism but can use more ‘tame’ symbols such as the OK symbol or Pepe the frog, taking part and feeling part of extremist groups is easier today than it was previously. Radicalization processes can therefore be supported by a slippery slope of moving unconsciously from trolling to symbols hijacked by right-wing extremists to sharing their memes and becoming part of the right-wing extremist milieu. This is especially true because the right-wing extremist scene is so diverse and overlaps with other subcultures such as the so-called Incel movement [13], again making it easier to join ‘softer’ approaches to right-wing extremist ideology rather than having to display overtly racist symbols from the outset.
Cultural Imaginaries
In order to facilitate radicalization processes, however, it is not enough to disseminate right-wing ideology and to claim symbols that signify belonging. Humans rely on narratives for their construction of reality; we need a believable story of why the world is this way and not another.[14] This is where cultural imaginaries come into play. Cultural imaginaries are social narratives and practices that are not overtly political in nature but are nevertheless a way to create a shared vision for and a perception of past, present and a utopian future.[15] For instance, the right-wing extremist milieu in Germany has developed a cultural imaginary surrounding biodiversity and the protection of the environment — a topic traditionally claimed by Greens — by constructing an ideological framework that depicts environmental protection as a classical concern of right-wing extremists. It is an imaginary of a pure nation with beautiful landscapes untouched by ‘foreign invasion’ (referring to both foreigners and foreign species) capable of preserving and supporting the needs of the Volksgemeinschaft, signified by the slogan “Umweltschutz ist Heimatschutz” (protection of the environment is protection of the homeland).[16]
Scandinavian countries, especially Sweden, have a special place in the cultural imaginaries of the contemporary right. On the one hand, Sweden is used as a dystopia. The narrative claims that because Sweden has taken in so many migrants and refugees it has become a no-go area where violent crime is constantly on the rise, and, in short, Sweden is rapidly approaching Islamization. This negative imaginary is shared by a variety of right-wing actors, including from the UK and Hungary, and is a common point of reference of what right-wing extremists are fighting against.[17] On the other hand, Sweden and especially the its Viking heritage are used as a positive cultural imaginary of purity, heroic fighters and an ideal of hegemonic masculinity.[18] The narrative attached to this imaginary is one of melancholic longing for an ideal past which may or may not have really existed but is nevertheless a symbol of a nostalgic desire to go back to the ‘correct’ order of society. However, even the cultural imaginaries alluding to an idealized past are modernized by today’s right-wing extremists. For instance, traditional Nazi ideology depicted women solely in their role as mothers and as fulfilling a duty by having children. Contemporary right-wing ideology includes more gender equality, depicts women as fighters in balaclavas and romantic images of young love between members of the movements, bringing it closer to youth culture and using imagery acceptable to mainstream audiences.[19]
Conclusion
Overall, both symbols and cultural imaginaries can facilitate radicalization processes into right-wing extremism by increasing identification with an in-group and constructing a shared perception of what reality does and should look like. Symbols are overt identity markers and can help to facilitate a feeling of belonging and ‘we-ness’ in those who use them. Online, linguistic and visual identification with a subculture can be important in constructing virtual ‘imagined communities’. Cultural imaginaries have similar implications on a meta-level. They transmit important issues embedded within, but distinct from, purely political considerations and help to develop overarching, all-encompassing right-wing cultures and sub-cultures. The use of symbols and cultural imaginaries alone are not enough to cause radicalization, but they can facilitate engagement and identification with right-wing extremist culture and make these organizations more appealing to a wider audience of potential members potentially appalled by the more ‘hard power’ racism and right-wing extremist components connecting them directly to the national-socialism of the past century.
European Eye on Radicalization aims to publish a diversity of perspectives and as such does not endorse the opinions expressed by contributors. The views expressed in this article represent the author alone.
_____________________________
References
[1] Ayyadi, K., The “gamification” of terror – when hate becomes a game, 2019. Retrieved from: https://www.belltower.news/anti-semitic-attack-in-halle-the-gamification-of-terror-when-hate-becomes-a-game-92439/; Evans, R., The El Paso Shooting and the Gamification of Terror, 2019. Retrieved from: https://www.bellingcat.com/news/americas/2019/08/04/the-el-paso-shooting-and-the-gamification-of-terror/; and, Macklin, G., The Christchurch Attacks: Livestream Terror in the Viral Video Age, 2019. Retrieved from: https://ctc.usma.edu/christchurch-attacks-livestream-terror-viral-video-age/
[2] ADL, Right-Wing Extremism Linked to Every 2018 Extremist Murder in the U.S., ADL Finds. Retrieved from: https://www.adl.org/news/press-releases/right-wing-extremism-linked-to-every-2018-extremist-murder-in-the-us-adl-finds
[3] Doherty, B., Asio boss warns of rising foreign interference and far-right extremism in Australia, 2020 Retrieved from: https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2020/feb/24/rightwing-extremism-a-real-and-growing-threat-asio-chief-says-in-annual-assessment
[4] Kolvraa, C. and Forchtner, B., Cultural imaginaries of the extreme right: an introduction, Patterns of Prejudice, Vol. 53 (3), pp. 227-235, 2019
[5] Ayyadi, K., Die Symbole und Codes der neonazistischen Szene, 2019. Retrieved from: https://www.belltower.news/neonazis-erkennen-die-symbole-und-codes-der-rechtsextremen-szene-90089/
[6] Connor, R., What is the Atomwaffen Division?, 2019. Retrieved from: https://www.dw.com/en/what-is-the-atomwaffen-division/a-51106179 and, Grierson, J., UK to ban neo-Nazi Sonnenkrieg Division as a terrorist group, 2020. Retrieved from: https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2020/feb/24/uk-ban-neo-nazi-sonnenkrieg-division-terrorist-group
[7] Ayyadi, K., Die Symbole und Codes der neonazistischen Szene, 2019. Retrieved from: https://www.belltower.news/neonazis-erkennen-die-symbole-und-codes-der-rechtsextremen-szene-90089/
[8] Ebner, J., Radikalisierungsmaschinen: Wie Extremisten die neuen Technologien nutzen und uns manipulieren, Suhrkamp Nova: Berlin, 2019.
[9] Colborne, M., The Far Right’s Secret Weapon: Fascist Fashion, 2019. Retrieved from: https://newrepublic.com/article/153161/far-rights-secret-weapon-fascist-fashion
[10] Noor, P., How the alt-right co-opted the OK hand sign to fool the media, 2019. Retrieved from: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/oct/03/ok-sign-gesture-emoji-rightwing-alt-right
[11] ADL, Hate Symbol Database. Retrieved from: https://www.adl.org/hate-symbols
[12] Nagle, A., Kill all Normies: Online culture wars from 4chan and Tumbrl to Trump and the alt-right, Zero Books: Hants, 2017.
[13] DiBranco, A., Male Supremacist Terrorism as a Rising Threat, 2020. Retrieved from: https://icct.nl/publication/male-supremacist-terrorism-as-a-rising-threat/
[14] Cobley, P. Narrative. Routledge: Oxon, 2014.
[15] Kolvraa, C. and Forchtner, B., Cultural imaginaries of the extreme right: an introduction, Patterns of Prejudice, Vol. 53 (3), pp. 227-235, 2019.
[16] Forchtner, B., Nation, nature, purity: extreme-right biodiversity in Germany, Patterns of Prejudice. Vol. 53 (3), pp. 285-301, 2019.
[17] Thorleifsson, C., The Swedish dystopia: violent imaginaries of the radical right, Patterns of Prejudice, Vol. 53 (5), pp. 515-533, 2019.
[18] Kolvraa, C., Embodying ‘the Nordic race’: imaginaries of Viking heritage in the online communications of the Nordic Resistance Movement, Patterns of Prejudice, Vol. 53 (3), pp. 270-284, 2019.
[19] Forchtner, B. and Kolvraa, C., Extreme right images of radical authenticity: Multimodal aesthetics of history, nature, and gender roles in social media, European Journal of Cultural and Political Sociology, Vol. 4 (3), pp. 252-281, 2017.
